A SHORT HISTORY OF THE WORLD BY H. G. WELLS
31.ROME COMES INTO HISTORY
The reader will note a general similarity in the history of all these civilizations in spite of the effectual separation caused by the great barriers of the Indian north-west frontier and of the mountain masses of Central Asia and further India. First for thousands of years the heliolithic culture spread over all the warm and fertile river valleys of the old world and developed a temple system and priest rulers about its sacrificial traditions. Apparently its first makers were always those brunette peoples we have spoken of as the central race of mankind. Then the nomads came in from the regions of seasonal grass and seasonal migrations and superposed their own characteristics and often their own language on the primitive civilization. They subjugated and stimulated it, and were stimulated to fresh developments and made it here one thing and here another. In Mesopotamia it was the Elamite and then the Semite, and at last the Nordic Medes and Persians and the Greeks who supplied the ferment; over the region of the Ægean peoples it was the Greeks; in India it was the Aryan-speakers; in Egypt there was a thinner infusion of conquerors into a more intensely saturated priestly civilization; in China, the Hun conquered and was absorbed and was followed by fresh Huns. China was Mongolized just as Greece and North India were Aryanized and Mesopotamia Semitized and Aryanized.
Everywhere the nomads destroyed much, but everywhere they brought in a
new spirit of free enquiry and moral innovation. They questioned the
beliefs of immemorial ages. They let daylight into the temples. They
set up kings who were neither priests nor gods but mere leaders among
their captains and companions.
THE DYING GAUL
THE DYING GAUL
The statue in the National Museum, Rome, depicting a Gaul stabbing
himself, after killing his wife, in the presence of his enemies
_Photo: Anderson_
In the centuries following the sixth century B.C. we find everywhere a
great breaking down of ancient traditions and a new spirit of moral and
intellectual enquiry awake, a spirit never more to be altogether
stilled in the great progressive movement of mankind. We find reading
and writing becoming common and accessible accomplishments among the
ruling and prosperous minority; they were no longer the jealously
guarded secret of the priests. Travel is increasing and transport
growing easier by reason of horses and roads. A new and easy device to
facilitate trade has been found in coined money.
Let us now transfer our attention back from China in the extreme east
of the old world to the western half of the Mediterranean. Here we
have to note the appearance of a city which was destined to play at
last a very great part indeed in human affairs, Rome.
Hitherto we have told very little about Italy in our story. It was
before 1000 B.C. a land of mountain and forest and thinly populated.
Aryan-speaking tribes had pressed down this peninsula and formed little
towns and cities, and the southern extremity was studded with Greek
settlements. The noble ruins of Pæstum preserve for us to this day
something of the dignity and splendour of these early Greek
establishments. A non-Aryan people, probably akin to the Ægean
peoples, the Etruscans, had established themselves in the central part
of the peninsula. They had reversed the usual process by subjugating
various Aryan tribes. Rome, when it comes into the light of history,
is a little trading city at a ford on the Tiber, with a Latin-speaking
population ruled over by Etruscan kings. The old chronologies gave 753
B.C. as the date of the founding of Rome, half a century later than the
founding of the great Phœnician city of Carthage and twenty-three years
after the first Olympiad. Etruscan tombs of a much earlier date than
753 B.C. have, however, been excavated in the Roman Forum.
In that red-letter century, the sixth century B.C., the Etruscan kings
were expelled (510 B.C.) and Rome became an aristocratic republic with
a lordly class of “patrician” families dominating a commonalty of
“plebeians.” Except that it spoke Latin it was not unlike many
aristocratic Greek republics.
For some centuries the internal history of Rome was the story of a long
and obstinate struggle for freedom and a share in the government on the
part of the plebeians. It would not be difficult to find Greek
parallels to this conflict, which the Greeks would have called a
conflict of aristocracy with democracy. In the end the plebeians broke
down most of the exclusive barriers of the old families and established
a working equality with them. They destroyed the old exclusiveness,
and made it possible and acceptable for Rome to extend her citizenship
by the inclusion of more and more “outsiders.” For while she still
struggled at home, she was extending her power abroad.
REMAINS OF THE ANCIENT ROMAN CISTERNS AT CARTHAGE
REMAINS OF THE ANCIENT ROMAN CISTERNS AT CARTHAGE
_Photo: Underwood & Underwood_
The extension of Roman power began in the fifth century B.C. Until
that time they had waged war, and generally unsuccessful war, with the
Etruscans. There was an Etruscan fort, Veii, only a few miles from
Rome which the Romans had never been able to capture. In 474 B.C.,
however, a great misfortune came to the Etruscans. Their fleet was
destroyed by the Greeks of Syracuse in Sicily. At the same time a wave
of Nordic invaders came down upon them from the north, the Gauls.
Caught between Roman and Gaul, the Etruscans fell—and disappear from
history. Veii was captured by the Romans, The Gauls came through to
Rome and sacked the city (390 B.C.A.D.) but could not capture the
Capitol. An attempted night surprise was betrayed by the cackling of
some geese, and finally the invaders were bought off and retired to the
north of Italy again.
The Gaulish raid seems to have invigorated rather than weakened Rome.
The Romans conquered and assimilated the Etruscans, and extended their
power over all central Italy from the Arno to Naples. To this they had
reached within a few years of 300 B.C. Their conquests in Italy were
going on simultaneously with the growth of Philip’s power in Macedonia
and Greece, and the tremendous raid of Alexander to Egypt and the
Indus. The Romans had become notable people in the civilized world to
the east of them by the break-up of Alexander’s empire.
To the north of the Roman power were the Gauls; to the south of them
were the Greek settlements of Magna Græcia, that is to say of Sicily
and of the toe and heel of Italy. The Gauls were a hardy, warlike
people and the Romans held that boundary by a line of forts and
fortified settlements. The Greek cities in the south headed by
Tarentum (now Taranto) and by Syracuse in Sicily, did not so much
threaten as fear the Romans. They looked about for some help against
these new conquerors.
We have already told how the empire of Alexander fell to pieces and was
divided among his generals and companions. Among these adventurers was
a kinsman of Alexander’s named Pyrrhus, who established himself in
Epirus, which is across the Adriatic Sea over against the heel of
Italy. It was his ambition to play the part of Philip of Macedonia to
Magna Græcia, and to become protector and master-general of Tarentum,
Syracuse and the rest of that part of the world. He had what was then
it very efficient modern army; he had an infantry phalanx, cavalry from
Thessaly—which was now quite as good as the original Macedonian
cavalry—and twenty fighting elephants; he invaded Italy and routed the
Romans in two considerable battles, Heraclea (280 B.C.) and Ausculum
(279 B.C.), and having driven them north, he turned his attention to
the subjugation of Sicily.
But this brought against him a more formidable enemy than were the
Romans at that time, the Phœnician trading city of Carthage, which was
probably then the greatest city in the world. Sicily was too near
Carthage for a new Alexander to be welcome there, and Carthage was
mindful of the fate that had befallen her mother city Tyre half a
century before. So she sent a fleet to encourage or compel Rome to
continue the struggle, and she cut the overseas communications of
Pyrrhus. Pyrrhus found himself freshly assailed by the Romans, and
suffered a disastrous repulse in an attack he had made upon their camp
at Beneventum between Naples and Rome.
And suddenly came news that recalled him to Epirus. The Gauls were
raiding south. But this time they were not raiding down into Italy;
the Roman frontier, fortified and guarded, had become too formidable
for them. They were raiding down through Illyria (which is now Serbia
and Albania) to Macedonia and Epirus. Repulsed by the Romans,
endangered at sea by the Carthaginians, and threatened at home by the
Gauls, Pyrrhus abandoned his dream of conquest and went home (275
B.C.), and the power of Rome was extended to the Straits of Messina.
On the Sicilian side of the Straits was the Greek city of Messina, and
this presently fell into the hands of a gang of pirates. The
Carthaginians, who were already practically overlords of Sicily and
allies of Syracuse, suppressed these pirates (270 B.C.) and put in a
Carthaginian garrison there. The pirates appealed to Rome and Rome
listened to their complaint. And so across the Straits of Messina the
great trading power of Carthage and this new conquering people, the
Romans, found themselves in antagonism, face to face.